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Gerrit Dou’s Enchanting Trompe- l’Oeil : Virtuosity and Agency in Early Modern Collections

Gerrit Dou’s Enchanting Trompe- l’Oeil : Virtuosity and Agency in Early Modern Collections

Gerrit Dou,  Painter with Pipe and Book,  1645–50, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam

This paper focuses on Painter with Pipe and Book (ca. 1650) by Gerrit Dou, a painter much admired by an exclusive circle of elite collectors in his own time. By incorporating a false frame and picture curtain, Dou transformed this work from a familiar “niche picture” into a depiction of a painting composed in his signature format. Drawing on anthropologist Alfred Gell’s concepts of enchantment and art nexus, I analyze how such a picture would have mediated the interactions between artist, owner, and viewer, enabling each agent to project his identity and shape one another’s response. I thus treat the painting as the center of a complex web of social relations formed in the specific setting of early modern collecting.

DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2015.7.1.1

Acknowledgements

I am grateful to Celeste Brusati, Megan Holmes, Kirsten Olds, Diana Bullen Presciutti, Noel Schiller, Heather Vinson, and the anonymous readers for JHNA for their comments and suggestions at various stages of this paper’s development. I would also like to thank Minou Schraven, Elsje van Kessel, and Caroline van Eck for the opportunity to deliver an early version of this paper in their RSA session, “Art, Agency, and Living Presence in the Early Modern World,” in 2010.

Gerrit Dou,  Painter with Pipe and Book,  1645–50, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 1 Gerrit Dou, Painter with Pipe and Book, 1645–50, oil on panel, 48 x 37 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. no. SK-A-86 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Gerrit Dou,  The Doctor, 1653, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna
Fig. 2 Gerrit Dou, The Doctor, 1653, oil on panel, 49.3 x 37 cm. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, inv. no. GG 592. Photo credit: Erich Lessing / Art Resource, NY (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Gerrit Dou,  The Trumpeter,  ca. 1660–65, Musée du Louvre, Paris
Fig. 3 Gerrit Dou, The Trumpeter, ca. 1660–65, oil on panel, 38 x 29 cm. Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. no. 1216. Photo credit: Erich Lessing / Art Resource, NY (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Wallerant Vaillant,  Wooden Board with Letters and Writing Implements, 1658,  Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Dresden
Fig. 4 Wallerant Vaillant, Wooden Board with Letters and Writing Implements, 1658, oil on paper affixed to canvas, 51.5 x 40.5 cm. Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Dresden, inv. no. 1232 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Gerard Houckgeest,  Interior of the Oude Kerk in Delft,  ca. 1651, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 5 Gerard Houckgeest, Interior of the Oude Kerk in Delft, ca. 1651, oil on panel, 49 x 41 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. no. SK-A-1584 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
  1. 1. Philips Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 1642, facsimile (Amsterdam: Kunsthistorisch Instituut, Universiteit van Amsterdam, 1972), 24. To bolster his claims for the nobility of the art of painting, Angel draws on accounts of painters winning fame and fortune in antiquity (largely derived from Karel van Mander’s Schilder-Boeck) and addresses the paragone debate. Angel contends that although sculptors might dismiss painting as “semblance without being,” it is precisely that ability to achieve illusionistic effects on a flat surface that makes painting the superior art. For an analysis of Angel’s tract, see Eric Jan Sluijter, “In Praise of the Art of Painting: On Paintings by Gerrit Dou and a Treatise by Philips Angel of 1642,” in Seductress of Sight: Studies in Dutch Art of the Golden Age (Zwolle: Waanders, 2000), 199–263.

  2. 2. In common usage, the term trompe l’oeil refers to an image that is not merely naturalistic but is made to temporarily deceive the viewer into mistaking it for the three-dimensional object it depicts.

  3. 3. See, for example, Jean Baudrillard, “The Trompe-l’oeil,” in Calligram: Essays in New Art history from France, ed. Norman Bryson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 53–62; Pierre Charpentrat, “Le trompe-l’oeil,” Nouvelle Revue de Psychanalyse 4 (1971): 161–68; Louis Marin, “Representation and Simulacrum,” in On Representation, trans. Catherine Porter (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001), 309–19; Hanneke Grootenboer, The Rhetoric of Perspective: Realism and Illusionism in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Still-Life Painting (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 53–59.

  4. 4. Celeste Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions and Dubious Distinctions: Self-Imagery in Trompe-l’oeil,” in Illusions: Gijsbrechts, Royal Master of Deception, ed. Olaf Koester (Copenhagen: Statens Museum for Kunst, 1999), 61–69.

  5. 5. Alfred Gell, “The Technology of Enchantment and the Enchantment of Technology,” in The Art of Anthropology: Essays and Diagrams (London and New Brunswick: The Athlone Press), 159–86.

  6. 6. Robin Osborne and Jeremy Tanner, eds., Art’s Agency and Art History (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2007), compiles examples of recent critical applications of Gell’s theory to the study of cultic objects. These include Irene Winter, “Agency Marked, Agency Ascribed: The Affective Object in Ancient Mesopotamia” (pp. 42–69), Peter Stewart, “Gell’s Idols and Roman Cult” (pp. 158–78), Jeremy Tanner, “Portraits and Agency: A Comparative View” (pp. 70–94). See also Peter Stewart, “The Image of the Roman Emperor,” in Presence: The Inherence of the Prototype within Images and Other Objects, ed. Robert Maniura and Rupert Shepherd (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), 243–54.

  7. 7. Jan Jansz. Orlers, Beschrijvinge der Stad Leyden, repr. (Leiden: Cornelis Heyligert, 1781), 403.

  8. 8. Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 23.

  9. 9. See for example Orlers, Beschrijvinge, 403; Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 23; Joachim von Sandrart, Academie der Bau-, Bild-, und Mahlerey-Künste von 1675, ed. A. R. Peltzer (Munich: G. Hirth’s Verlag, 1925), 196.

  10. 10. Simon van Leeuwen, Korte besgryving van het Lugdunum Batavorum nu Leyden (Leiden: Johannes van Gelder, 1672), 191. For quotation and discussion, see Sluijter, “In Praise of the Art of Painting,” 205.

  11. 11. See Richard Hunnewell, “Gerard Dou’s Self Portraits and Depictions of the Artist” (PhD diss., Boston University, 1983), 89–92; Ute Kleinmann, Rahmen und Gerahmtes: Das Spiel met Darstellung und Bedeutung (Frankfurt: P. Lang, 1996), 56–73; Stephanie Sonntag, Ein “Schau-Spiel” der Malkunst: Das Fensterbild in der holländischen Malerei des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2006), 50–54; Ronni Baer, “The Life and Art of Gerrit Dou,” in Gerrit Dou 1613–1675, ed. Arthur K. Wheelock, Jr. (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2000), 41. Although Sonntag concludes that Dou’s pictures convey ambivalent moral messages about the depicted figures, she agrees with Hunnewell and Kleinmann that the framing window adds a sense of monumentality to genre scenes.

  12. 12. Eric Jan Sluijter, “On Fijnschilders and Meaning,” in Seductress of Sight: Studies in Dutch Art of the Golden Age (Zwolle: Waanders, 2000), 271–73.

  13. 13. According to Hollander, the niche picture format masks Dou’s weakness in spatial description (Martha Hollander, An Entrance for the Eyes: Space and Meaning in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Art [Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002], 64–65). Such paintings as The Young Violinist and The Young Mother would suggest, however, that Dou was adept at creating a sense of depth. My argument here is that the spatial disjunctions seen in the niche pictures were strategic. For a more thorough discussion of the spatial complexities in Dou’s niche pictures, see Kleinmann, Rahmen und Gerahmtes, 77–96, 109–16; Angela Ho, “Rethinking Repetition: Constructing Value in Dutch Genre Painting, 1650s to 1670s” (PhD diss., University of Michigan, 2007), 76–82.

  14. 14. Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 25.

  15. 15. The surface of the painting in Amsterdam seems somewhat abraded, but it is still possible to see Dou’s delicate modeling of the figure’s face with small, almost invisible marks, and his suggestion of the reflective quality of the figure’s costume with minute tonal gradations.

  16. 16. Victor I. Stoichita, The Self-Aware Image: An Insight into Early Modern Meta-Painting (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 60.

  17. 17. Already in the seventeenth century, the potential of well-crated paintings to deceive invited suspicion as well as admiration. See Eric Jan Sluijter, “Over Brabantse vodden, economische concurrentie, artistieke wedijver en de groei van de markt voor schilderijen in de eerste decennia van de zeventiende eeuw,” Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 50 (1999): 114 (English translation by Jennifer Kilian and Katy Kist in JHNA 1, no. 2 [2009]); Sybille Ebert-Schifferer, “Trompe l’Oeil: The Underestimated Trick,” in Deceptions and Illusions: Five Centuries of Trompe l’Oeil Painting, ed. Ebert-Schifferer (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2002), 17–18.

  18. 18. Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting, trans. Cecil Grayson (1436; New York: Penguin, 1991), 37–59. In Book I, Alberti imagines a painting as a cross section of the visual pyramid. In Alberti’s formulation of linear perspective, orthogonals converge at the vanishing point on the horizon, which in turn determines the ideal viewer’s position. This geometric construction is an abstraction of natural vision that allows the artist to suggest spatial relations among figures and objects in a coherent space. Painters rarely followed Alberti’s instructions with mathematical accuracy, instead they would manipulate the rules for narrative or visual emphases. Nevertheless, they drew on the principles of linear perspective in distributing motifs, so that figures and objects relate to one another within a coherent spatial structure. See also James Elkins, The Poetics of Perspective (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1994), 117–80.

  19. 19. Baudrillard, “Trompe-l’oeil,” 53–54.

  20. 20. Marin, “Representation and Simulacrum,” 311ff.; Grootenboer, Rhetoric of Perspective, 51–53.

  21. 21. Baudrillard’s characterization of the trompe l’oeil has to be considered within the context of his theory of the simulacrum in culture, and one can argue that his goal is not to present an art historical analysis of the genre. Marin and Grootenboer likewise do not consider accounts by contemporary observers. Other art historians, however, have pointed out that what would now be classified as trompe l’oeil images were not clearly distinguished as a separate genre in early modern records. Arthur Wheelock, for example, has argued that trompe l’oeil might have been considered a logical extension of the early modern artist’s attempt to imitate nature. See Arthur K. Wheelock, Jr., “Illusionism in Dutch and Flemish Art,” in Deceptions and Illusions, 78.

  22. 22. Samuel Pepys, The Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. Robert Latham and William Matthews (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970–83), 9:118–19. See also Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions,” 65.

  23. 23. Denis Diderot, Salons, ed. Jean Seznec and Jean Adhémar (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), 1:135–36. Translation from Alberto Veca, “Honest Lies: The Meaning, Language, and Instruments of Trompe l’Oeil,” in Deceptions and Illusions, 57.

  24. 24. Grootenboer, Rhetoric of Perspective, 45–46. Grootenboer suggests that recent scholarship on the trompe l’oeil can be divided into two main approaches. British, American, German, and Dutch scholars mainly concentrate on the historical context in which the works were produced, while French scholars are more concerned with theoretical and philosophical importance of the images.

  25. 25. Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions”; Stoichita, The Self-Aware Image. Stoichita argues that painting lost its religious function in Protestant lands following the Reformation, which provided the impetus for the development of a “self-awareness” of its emerging status as a portable, aesthetic object. Brusati situates experimentation in illusionism within the broader context of contemporary artistic discourse, which privileged the ability of painting to emulate, or even surpass, nature. She also discusses the ways in which the artists negotiated the complex art market by building reputations as masters of deceptive artistry.

  26. 26. Gell, “Technology of Enchantment.”

  27. 27. Gell, “Technology of Enchantment,” 165. See also Jeremy Tanner and Robin Osborne, “Introduction: Art and Agency and Art History,” in Art’s Agency, 7.

  28. 28. Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 37–57. The criteria Angel lists for good painting include the rendering of light and shadow in such a way that the depicted objects seem “very real”; a knowledge of perspective and proportion; the careful observation of different objects in nature; and the description of textures.

  29. 29. See Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 53–54.

  30. 30. Samuel van Hoogstraten, Inleyding tot de hooge schoole der schilderkonst, anders de zichtbarere werelt, facsimile (1678; Doornspijk: Davaco, 1969), 25. For translation and discussion, see Celeste Brusati, Artifice and Illusion: The Art and Writing of Samuel van Hoogstraten (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 158–59.

  31. 31. Sandrart, Academie, 196.

  32. 32. Arnold Houbraken, De groote schouburgh der Nederlandsche konstschilders en schilderessen, facsimile (1753; Amsterdam: Israel, 1976), Book 2, p. 3. See also Jørgen Wadum, “‘Dou doesn’t paint, oh no, he juggles with his brush’: Gerrit Dou; A Rembrandtesque ‘Fijnschilder,’” Art Matters 1 (2003): 70.

  33. 33. Roger de Piles, Abrège de la vie des peintres avec des reflexions sur leurs Ouvrages,facsimile (1699; Hildesheim: G. Olms Verlag,1969), 439. See also Wadum, “Dou doesn’t paint,” 70.

  34. 34. According to Van Mander’s “Life of Mabuse [Gossaert],” the painter was in the service of the Marquis of Veere at the time. The marquis decided to dress his court in silk damask for a reception for Charles V, but Gossaert sold the fabric and spent the money before the event. To conceal his misdeed, the painter made a tabard out of white paper and decorated it with damask ornaments(Van Mander, The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters, from the First Edition of the Schilder-Boeck [1603–1604], trans. and ed. Hessel Miedema [Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994], fol. 226r).

  35. 35. Houbraken, De groote schouburgh, Book 2, pp. 157–58; Brusati, Artifice and Illusion, 162–68; Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions,” 50–54, 65-59; Ebert-Schifferer, “Trompe l’Oeil,” 17–37.

  36. 36. Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 23; Orlers, Beschrijvinge, 403; Sandrart, Academie, 196. For discussion of Dou’s exclusive clientele, see also Eric Jan Sluijter, “Schilders van ‘cleyne, subtile ende curieuse dingen’: Leidse ‘fijnschilders’ in contemporaine bronnen,” in Leidse Fijnschilders: Van Gerrit Dou tot Frans van Mieris de Jonge, 1630–1670, ed. Eric Jan Sluiters, Marlies Enklaar, Paul Nieuwenhuizen et al., 15–55 (Zwolle: Waanders, 1988), 51; Baer, “Life and Art,” 31.

  37. 37. The information on prices is obtained from inventories in the Montias Database, the Getty Provenance Index, and Gerard Hoet’s and Pieter Terwesten’s compilations of auction catalogues from 1680 to the mid-eighteenth century. See Gerard Hoet, Catalogus of naamlyst van schilderyen, met derzelver pryzen, 2 vols. (’s Gravenhage: Pieter Gerard van Baalen, 1752); Pieter Terwesten, Catalogus of naamlyst van schilderyen, met derzelver pryzen, vol. 3 (’s Gravenhage: Johannes Gaillard, 1770).

  38. 38. Already in the seventeenth century, commentators characterized Dou’s audience as an exclusive circle of wealthy collectors. Jan Orlers notes in his Beschrijvinge that Dou was held in great esteem by liefhebbers, who paid high prices for his paintings. Sandrart likewise marvels that Dou’s palm-sized panels would sell for between 600 and 1,000 guilders. See Orlers, Beschrijvinge, 403; Sandrart, Academie, 196.

  39. 39. For discussions of liefhebbers in the early modern Netherlands, see Zirka Z. Filipczak, Picturing Art in Antwerp 1550–1700 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 51–53; Elizabeth Alice Honig, Painting and the Market in Early Modern Antwerp (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998), 202; Angela Ho, “An Invitation to Compare: Frans van Mieris’ Cloth Shop in the Context of Early Modern Art Collecting,” Renaissance Studies 23 (2009): 699–706.
    http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.2009.00576.x

  40. 40. Marten Jan Bok, “Art-Lovers and Their Paintings: Van Mander’s Schilder-boeck as a Source for the History of the Art Market in the Northern Netherlands,” in Dawn of the Golden Age: Northern Netherlandish Art 1580–1620, ed. Ger Luijten and Ariane van Suchtelen (Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 1993), 143–47.

  41. 41. Krzysztof Pomian, Collectors and Curiosities: Paris and Venice, 1500–1800, trans. Elizabeth Wiles-Portier (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990), 53–57; Maria H. Loh, “Originals, Reproductions, and a ‘Particular Taste’ for Pastiche in the Seventeenth-Century Republic of Painting,” in Mapping Markets for Paintings in Europe 1450–1750, ed. Neil de Marchi and Hans J. van Miegroet (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), 243–51.

  42. 42. For discussion of the fluid boundaries of the category of liefhebbers, see Ho, “Invitation to Compare,” 699–706

  43. 43. Sandrart, for example, writes of seeing paintings in the residences of Pieter Spiering Silvercroon and Franciscus de le Boe Sylvius, both well-known collectors of Dou’s work, while Balthasar de Monconys records his visits to Johan de Bye, Dou’s Maecenas, in Leiden, as well as private collections in Rotterdam in 1663. See Sandrart, Academie, 195–96; Balthasar de Monconys, Journal des voyages de Monsieur de Monconys . . . , vol. 2 (Lyon: H. Boissart & G. Remevs, 1665–66), 131ff.

  44. 44. On the theory and practice of connoisseurship in early modern Europe, see Anna Tummers, The Eye of the Connoisseur: Authenticating Paintings by Rembrandt and His Contemporaries (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2011); Carol Gibson-Wood, “Studies in the Theory of Connoisseurship from Vasari to Morelli” (PhD diss., University of London, 1982). C. Willemijn Fock states that wealthy citizens in Leiden evidently opened their collections to artists and other interested visitors. See C. Willemijn Fock, “Kunstbezit in Leiden in de 17de eeuw,” in Het Rapenburg. Geschiedenis van een Leidse gracht, vol. 5a, ed. T. H. Lunsingh Scheurleer, C. Willemijm Fock, and A. J. van Dissel (Leiden: Rijksuniversiteit Leiden, 1990), 3.

  45. 45. Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction:A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), 6; Ho, “Invitation to Compare,” 703–4.

  46. 46. On the significance of Pepys’s access to the king’s cabinet, see Pepys, Diary, 1:257–58; Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions,” 55.

  47. 47. Wheelock, “Illusionism,” 79–81.

  48. 48. The publication of Ernst Gombrich’s Art and Illusion drew attention to the production and reception of naturalistic pictorial representation. Various art historians and theorists have since critiqued Gombrich’s assumptions and method and considered the full implications of his seminal study. Although a thorough examination of the literature on this topic is outside the scope of this paper, my analysis draws on ideas from Gombrich’s book and the debate it sparked. Two of Gombrich’s arguments are particularly relevant to this paper: first, even illusionistic images are grounded in artistic conventions; and second, the context of reception is crucial to creating what he calls “conditions of illusion.” In the case of trompe l’oeil easel paintings, “illusion could turn into deception only when the context of action set up an expectation which reinforced the artist’s handiwork.” See Ernst H. Gombrich, Art and Illusion: A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation, repr. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), especially 203–41.

  49. 49. Brusati, Artifice and Illusion, 201–2.

  50. 50. Pepys, Diary, 4:18, 26; 5:161. See also Brusati, Artifice and Illusion, 93.

  51. 51. Eric Jan Sluijter, “‘All striving to adorne their houses with costly peeces’: Two Case Studies of Paintings in Wealthy Interiors,” in Art and Home: Dutch Interiors in the Age of Rembrandt, ed. Mariët Westermann (Zwolle: Waanders, 2001), 107–8.

  52. 52. Wheelock likens the doors over the painting to the peephole in a perspective box. See Wheelock, “Illusionism,” 80.

  53. 53. Baudrillard, “Trompe l’Oeil,” 53. Likewise, Brusati writes that the pictures are presented as deceptive paintings through “the ritualized display of predictable objects.” See Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions,” 56.

  54. 54. For discussion of ritual-like activities, see CatherineBell, Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 138–69.

  55. 55. Bell, Ritual, 139–44, 159–69; Ronald L. Grimes, Beginnings in Ritual Studies (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1982), 53–68. I am drawing on the expanded definition of ritual offered by Bell and Grimes to describe the formal, choreographed nature of interactions within an early modern collection.

  56. 56. Gell defines “patient” as “the object which is causally affected by the agent’s action.” For example, a painting is a patient to the artist who made it, but it can be an agent (or more precisely, a secondary agent) when it elicits responses from the viewers, who in turn occupy the role of patients. See Alfred Gell, Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 21–23.

  57. 57. Nor was Dou the only Dutch painter to construct counterfeit paintings from his signature product. Gerard Houckgeest—who specialized in picturing church interiors and was known for his mastery of linear perspective—adds a fictive frame and curtain to his Interior of the Oude Kerk in Delft (ca. 1651; fig. 5). For Houckgeest and his career in Delft, see Arthur K. Wheelock, Jr., Perspective, Optics, and Delft Artists Around 1650 (New York and London: Garland, 1977), 229–60; Walter Liedtke, Architectural Painting in Delft (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1982), 34–56; Walter Liedtke, A View of Delft: Vermeer and His Contemporaries (Zwolle: Waanders, 2000), 81–92, 107–21.

  58. 58. Brusati, Artifice and Illusion, 162–68; Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions,” 52, 60–62Samuel van Hoogstraten includes the chain and medal awarded by Emperor Ferdinand III in several of his trompe l’oeil pieces, making those objects emblems of his success. The letters in Vaillant’s Wooden Board bear various names, including those of Johann Maurits of Nassau-Siegen and the De Neufville brothers, suggesting that the artist was connected to these renowned collectors.

  59. 59. Gell, Art and Agency, 6–7; Gell, “Technology of Enchantment,” 162. Gell insists on the distinction between visual material and text and argues that iconology treats art objects as passive representations of symbolic meanings. Art historians have been critical of Gell’s narrow definition of the method, and some have sought to introduce iconographic interpretation into a Gellian analysis. See, for example, Stewart, “Gell’s Idols,” 166–71 (see note 6 above); Michelle O’Malley, “Altarpieces and Agency: The Altarpiece of the Society of the Purification and Its ‘invisible skein of relations,’” Art History 28, no. 4 (2005): 417–41. As other commentators have pointed out, Gell does not rigidly follow his own recommendation to avoid issues of style and symbolic interpretations. See for example Matthew Rampley, “Art History and Cultural Difference: Alfred Gell’s Anthropology of Art,” Art History 28, no. 4 (2005): 539ff.
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    http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8365.2005.00471.x

  60. 60. Filarete, Trattato di architettura, ed. Anna Maria Finoli and Liliana Grassi vol. 2 (Milan: Il Polifilo, 1972), 665; Ebert-Schifferer, “Trompe l’Oeil,” 20–21. See also Giorgio Vasari, Le vite de’ più eccellenti pittori, scultori e architettori: nelle redazioni del 1550 e 1568, ed. Rosanna Bettarini and Paola Barocchi vol. 2 (Florence: Sansoni, 1967), 121–22.

  61. 61. Pliny the Elder, Natural History 35.65. Van Mander, Angel, and Van Hoogstraten invoke Pliny’s story as a powerful classical precedent for the value ascribed to illusionistic painting. See Van Mander, Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters, fol. 265r-v; Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 12–13; Van Hoogstraten, Inleyding, 24-25.

  62. 62. Willem Martin, Gerard Dou, trans. Clara Bell (London: G. Bell and Sons, 1902), 60; Sluijter, “In Praise of the Art of Painting,” 209.

  63. 63. David Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 108.

  64. 64. Wolfgang Kemp, Rembrandt. Die Heilige Familie mit dem Vorhang (Kassel: Staatliche Museen, 2003), 26–29. Compare Baer, “Life and Art,” 41.

  65. 65. Kemp, Rembrandt, 30. See also Emmanuelle Hénin, “Parrhasios and the Stage Curtain: Theatre, Metapainting and the Idea of Representation in the Seventeenth Century,” Art History 33 (2010): 249–61.
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  66. 66. Kemp, Rembrandt, 30; Stoichita, Self-Aware Image, 60, 290n52.

  67. 67. See for example Giulio Mancini, Considerazioni sulla pittura, ed. Adriana Marruchi (Rome: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1956), 1:142–43. For discussion of the display of licentious pictures, see Stoichita, Self-Aware Image, 61.

  68. 68. Wolfgang Kemp, “The Work of Art and Its Beholder: The Methodology of the Aesthetic of Reception,” in The Subjects of Art History: Historical Objects in Contemporary Perspectives, ed. Mark A. Cheetham Michael Ann Holly, and Keith Moxey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 191–94; Stoichita, Self-Aware Image, 55.

  69. 69. Sluijter, “In Praise of the Art of Painting,” 192.

  70. 70. Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions,” 54–56; Wheelock, “Illusionism,” 80.

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List of Illustrations

Gerrit Dou,  Painter with Pipe and Book,  1645–50, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 1 Gerrit Dou, Painter with Pipe and Book, 1645–50, oil on panel, 48 x 37 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. no. SK-A-86 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Gerrit Dou,  The Doctor, 1653, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna
Fig. 2 Gerrit Dou, The Doctor, 1653, oil on panel, 49.3 x 37 cm. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, inv. no. GG 592. Photo credit: Erich Lessing / Art Resource, NY (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Gerrit Dou,  The Trumpeter,  ca. 1660–65, Musée du Louvre, Paris
Fig. 3 Gerrit Dou, The Trumpeter, ca. 1660–65, oil on panel, 38 x 29 cm. Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. no. 1216. Photo credit: Erich Lessing / Art Resource, NY (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Wallerant Vaillant,  Wooden Board with Letters and Writing Implements, 1658,  Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Dresden
Fig. 4 Wallerant Vaillant, Wooden Board with Letters and Writing Implements, 1658, oil on paper affixed to canvas, 51.5 x 40.5 cm. Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Dresden, inv. no. 1232 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Gerard Houckgeest,  Interior of the Oude Kerk in Delft,  ca. 1651, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 5 Gerard Houckgeest, Interior of the Oude Kerk in Delft, ca. 1651, oil on panel, 49 x 41 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. no. SK-A-1584 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]

Footnotes

  1. 1. Philips Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 1642, facsimile (Amsterdam: Kunsthistorisch Instituut, Universiteit van Amsterdam, 1972), 24. To bolster his claims for the nobility of the art of painting, Angel draws on accounts of painters winning fame and fortune in antiquity (largely derived from Karel van Mander’s Schilder-Boeck) and addresses the paragone debate. Angel contends that although sculptors might dismiss painting as “semblance without being,” it is precisely that ability to achieve illusionistic effects on a flat surface that makes painting the superior art. For an analysis of Angel’s tract, see Eric Jan Sluijter, “In Praise of the Art of Painting: On Paintings by Gerrit Dou and a Treatise by Philips Angel of 1642,” in Seductress of Sight: Studies in Dutch Art of the Golden Age (Zwolle: Waanders, 2000), 199–263.

  2. 2. In common usage, the term trompe l’oeil refers to an image that is not merely naturalistic but is made to temporarily deceive the viewer into mistaking it for the three-dimensional object it depicts.

  3. 3. See, for example, Jean Baudrillard, “The Trompe-l’oeil,” in Calligram: Essays in New Art history from France, ed. Norman Bryson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 53–62; Pierre Charpentrat, “Le trompe-l’oeil,” Nouvelle Revue de Psychanalyse 4 (1971): 161–68; Louis Marin, “Representation and Simulacrum,” in On Representation, trans. Catherine Porter (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001), 309–19; Hanneke Grootenboer, The Rhetoric of Perspective: Realism and Illusionism in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Still-Life Painting (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 53–59.

  4. 4. Celeste Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions and Dubious Distinctions: Self-Imagery in Trompe-l’oeil,” in Illusions: Gijsbrechts, Royal Master of Deception, ed. Olaf Koester (Copenhagen: Statens Museum for Kunst, 1999), 61–69.

  5. 5. Alfred Gell, “The Technology of Enchantment and the Enchantment of Technology,” in The Art of Anthropology: Essays and Diagrams (London and New Brunswick: The Athlone Press), 159–86.

  6. 6. Robin Osborne and Jeremy Tanner, eds., Art’s Agency and Art History (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2007), compiles examples of recent critical applications of Gell’s theory to the study of cultic objects. These include Irene Winter, “Agency Marked, Agency Ascribed: The Affective Object in Ancient Mesopotamia” (pp. 42–69), Peter Stewart, “Gell’s Idols and Roman Cult” (pp. 158–78), Jeremy Tanner, “Portraits and Agency: A Comparative View” (pp. 70–94). See also Peter Stewart, “The Image of the Roman Emperor,” in Presence: The Inherence of the Prototype within Images and Other Objects, ed. Robert Maniura and Rupert Shepherd (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), 243–54.

  7. 7. Jan Jansz. Orlers, Beschrijvinge der Stad Leyden, repr. (Leiden: Cornelis Heyligert, 1781), 403.

  8. 8. Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 23.

  9. 9. See for example Orlers, Beschrijvinge, 403; Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 23; Joachim von Sandrart, Academie der Bau-, Bild-, und Mahlerey-Künste von 1675, ed. A. R. Peltzer (Munich: G. Hirth’s Verlag, 1925), 196.

  10. 10. Simon van Leeuwen, Korte besgryving van het Lugdunum Batavorum nu Leyden (Leiden: Johannes van Gelder, 1672), 191. For quotation and discussion, see Sluijter, “In Praise of the Art of Painting,” 205.

  11. 11. See Richard Hunnewell, “Gerard Dou’s Self Portraits and Depictions of the Artist” (PhD diss., Boston University, 1983), 89–92; Ute Kleinmann, Rahmen und Gerahmtes: Das Spiel met Darstellung und Bedeutung (Frankfurt: P. Lang, 1996), 56–73; Stephanie Sonntag, Ein “Schau-Spiel” der Malkunst: Das Fensterbild in der holländischen Malerei des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2006), 50–54; Ronni Baer, “The Life and Art of Gerrit Dou,” in Gerrit Dou 1613–1675, ed. Arthur K. Wheelock, Jr. (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2000), 41. Although Sonntag concludes that Dou’s pictures convey ambivalent moral messages about the depicted figures, she agrees with Hunnewell and Kleinmann that the framing window adds a sense of monumentality to genre scenes.

  12. 12. Eric Jan Sluijter, “On Fijnschilders and Meaning,” in Seductress of Sight: Studies in Dutch Art of the Golden Age (Zwolle: Waanders, 2000), 271–73.

  13. 13. According to Hollander, the niche picture format masks Dou’s weakness in spatial description (Martha Hollander, An Entrance for the Eyes: Space and Meaning in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Art [Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002], 64–65). Such paintings as The Young Violinist and The Young Mother would suggest, however, that Dou was adept at creating a sense of depth. My argument here is that the spatial disjunctions seen in the niche pictures were strategic. For a more thorough discussion of the spatial complexities in Dou’s niche pictures, see Kleinmann, Rahmen und Gerahmtes, 77–96, 109–16; Angela Ho, “Rethinking Repetition: Constructing Value in Dutch Genre Painting, 1650s to 1670s” (PhD diss., University of Michigan, 2007), 76–82.

  14. 14. Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 25.

  15. 15. The surface of the painting in Amsterdam seems somewhat abraded, but it is still possible to see Dou’s delicate modeling of the figure’s face with small, almost invisible marks, and his suggestion of the reflective quality of the figure’s costume with minute tonal gradations.

  16. 16. Victor I. Stoichita, The Self-Aware Image: An Insight into Early Modern Meta-Painting (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 60.

  17. 17. Already in the seventeenth century, the potential of well-crated paintings to deceive invited suspicion as well as admiration. See Eric Jan Sluijter, “Over Brabantse vodden, economische concurrentie, artistieke wedijver en de groei van de markt voor schilderijen in de eerste decennia van de zeventiende eeuw,” Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 50 (1999): 114 (English translation by Jennifer Kilian and Katy Kist in JHNA 1, no. 2 [2009]); Sybille Ebert-Schifferer, “Trompe l’Oeil: The Underestimated Trick,” in Deceptions and Illusions: Five Centuries of Trompe l’Oeil Painting, ed. Ebert-Schifferer (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2002), 17–18.

  18. 18. Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting, trans. Cecil Grayson (1436; New York: Penguin, 1991), 37–59. In Book I, Alberti imagines a painting as a cross section of the visual pyramid. In Alberti’s formulation of linear perspective, orthogonals converge at the vanishing point on the horizon, which in turn determines the ideal viewer’s position. This geometric construction is an abstraction of natural vision that allows the artist to suggest spatial relations among figures and objects in a coherent space. Painters rarely followed Alberti’s instructions with mathematical accuracy, instead they would manipulate the rules for narrative or visual emphases. Nevertheless, they drew on the principles of linear perspective in distributing motifs, so that figures and objects relate to one another within a coherent spatial structure. See also James Elkins, The Poetics of Perspective (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1994), 117–80.

  19. 19. Baudrillard, “Trompe-l’oeil,” 53–54.

  20. 20. Marin, “Representation and Simulacrum,” 311ff.; Grootenboer, Rhetoric of Perspective, 51–53.

  21. 21. Baudrillard’s characterization of the trompe l’oeil has to be considered within the context of his theory of the simulacrum in culture, and one can argue that his goal is not to present an art historical analysis of the genre. Marin and Grootenboer likewise do not consider accounts by contemporary observers. Other art historians, however, have pointed out that what would now be classified as trompe l’oeil images were not clearly distinguished as a separate genre in early modern records. Arthur Wheelock, for example, has argued that trompe l’oeil might have been considered a logical extension of the early modern artist’s attempt to imitate nature. See Arthur K. Wheelock, Jr., “Illusionism in Dutch and Flemish Art,” in Deceptions and Illusions, 78.

  22. 22. Samuel Pepys, The Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. Robert Latham and William Matthews (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970–83), 9:118–19. See also Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions,” 65.

  23. 23. Denis Diderot, Salons, ed. Jean Seznec and Jean Adhémar (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), 1:135–36. Translation from Alberto Veca, “Honest Lies: The Meaning, Language, and Instruments of Trompe l’Oeil,” in Deceptions and Illusions, 57.

  24. 24. Grootenboer, Rhetoric of Perspective, 45–46. Grootenboer suggests that recent scholarship on the trompe l’oeil can be divided into two main approaches. British, American, German, and Dutch scholars mainly concentrate on the historical context in which the works were produced, while French scholars are more concerned with theoretical and philosophical importance of the images.

  25. 25. Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions”; Stoichita, The Self-Aware Image. Stoichita argues that painting lost its religious function in Protestant lands following the Reformation, which provided the impetus for the development of a “self-awareness” of its emerging status as a portable, aesthetic object. Brusati situates experimentation in illusionism within the broader context of contemporary artistic discourse, which privileged the ability of painting to emulate, or even surpass, nature. She also discusses the ways in which the artists negotiated the complex art market by building reputations as masters of deceptive artistry.

  26. 26. Gell, “Technology of Enchantment.”

  27. 27. Gell, “Technology of Enchantment,” 165. See also Jeremy Tanner and Robin Osborne, “Introduction: Art and Agency and Art History,” in Art’s Agency, 7.

  28. 28. Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 37–57. The criteria Angel lists for good painting include the rendering of light and shadow in such a way that the depicted objects seem “very real”; a knowledge of perspective and proportion; the careful observation of different objects in nature; and the description of textures.

  29. 29. See Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 53–54.

  30. 30. Samuel van Hoogstraten, Inleyding tot de hooge schoole der schilderkonst, anders de zichtbarere werelt, facsimile (1678; Doornspijk: Davaco, 1969), 25. For translation and discussion, see Celeste Brusati, Artifice and Illusion: The Art and Writing of Samuel van Hoogstraten (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 158–59.

  31. 31. Sandrart, Academie, 196.

  32. 32. Arnold Houbraken, De groote schouburgh der Nederlandsche konstschilders en schilderessen, facsimile (1753; Amsterdam: Israel, 1976), Book 2, p. 3. See also Jørgen Wadum, “‘Dou doesn’t paint, oh no, he juggles with his brush’: Gerrit Dou; A Rembrandtesque ‘Fijnschilder,’” Art Matters 1 (2003): 70.

  33. 33. Roger de Piles, Abrège de la vie des peintres avec des reflexions sur leurs Ouvrages,facsimile (1699; Hildesheim: G. Olms Verlag,1969), 439. See also Wadum, “Dou doesn’t paint,” 70.

  34. 34. According to Van Mander’s “Life of Mabuse [Gossaert],” the painter was in the service of the Marquis of Veere at the time. The marquis decided to dress his court in silk damask for a reception for Charles V, but Gossaert sold the fabric and spent the money before the event. To conceal his misdeed, the painter made a tabard out of white paper and decorated it with damask ornaments(Van Mander, The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters, from the First Edition of the Schilder-Boeck [1603–1604], trans. and ed. Hessel Miedema [Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994], fol. 226r).

  35. 35. Houbraken, De groote schouburgh, Book 2, pp. 157–58; Brusati, Artifice and Illusion, 162–68; Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions,” 50–54, 65-59; Ebert-Schifferer, “Trompe l’Oeil,” 17–37.

  36. 36. Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 23; Orlers, Beschrijvinge, 403; Sandrart, Academie, 196. For discussion of Dou’s exclusive clientele, see also Eric Jan Sluijter, “Schilders van ‘cleyne, subtile ende curieuse dingen’: Leidse ‘fijnschilders’ in contemporaine bronnen,” in Leidse Fijnschilders: Van Gerrit Dou tot Frans van Mieris de Jonge, 1630–1670, ed. Eric Jan Sluiters, Marlies Enklaar, Paul Nieuwenhuizen et al., 15–55 (Zwolle: Waanders, 1988), 51; Baer, “Life and Art,” 31.

  37. 37. The information on prices is obtained from inventories in the Montias Database, the Getty Provenance Index, and Gerard Hoet’s and Pieter Terwesten’s compilations of auction catalogues from 1680 to the mid-eighteenth century. See Gerard Hoet, Catalogus of naamlyst van schilderyen, met derzelver pryzen, 2 vols. (’s Gravenhage: Pieter Gerard van Baalen, 1752); Pieter Terwesten, Catalogus of naamlyst van schilderyen, met derzelver pryzen, vol. 3 (’s Gravenhage: Johannes Gaillard, 1770).

  38. 38. Already in the seventeenth century, commentators characterized Dou’s audience as an exclusive circle of wealthy collectors. Jan Orlers notes in his Beschrijvinge that Dou was held in great esteem by liefhebbers, who paid high prices for his paintings. Sandrart likewise marvels that Dou’s palm-sized panels would sell for between 600 and 1,000 guilders. See Orlers, Beschrijvinge, 403; Sandrart, Academie, 196.

  39. 39. For discussions of liefhebbers in the early modern Netherlands, see Zirka Z. Filipczak, Picturing Art in Antwerp 1550–1700 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 51–53; Elizabeth Alice Honig, Painting and the Market in Early Modern Antwerp (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998), 202; Angela Ho, “An Invitation to Compare: Frans van Mieris’ Cloth Shop in the Context of Early Modern Art Collecting,” Renaissance Studies 23 (2009): 699–706.
    http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.2009.00576.x

  40. 40. Marten Jan Bok, “Art-Lovers and Their Paintings: Van Mander’s Schilder-boeck as a Source for the History of the Art Market in the Northern Netherlands,” in Dawn of the Golden Age: Northern Netherlandish Art 1580–1620, ed. Ger Luijten and Ariane van Suchtelen (Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 1993), 143–47.

  41. 41. Krzysztof Pomian, Collectors and Curiosities: Paris and Venice, 1500–1800, trans. Elizabeth Wiles-Portier (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990), 53–57; Maria H. Loh, “Originals, Reproductions, and a ‘Particular Taste’ for Pastiche in the Seventeenth-Century Republic of Painting,” in Mapping Markets for Paintings in Europe 1450–1750, ed. Neil de Marchi and Hans J. van Miegroet (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), 243–51.

  42. 42. For discussion of the fluid boundaries of the category of liefhebbers, see Ho, “Invitation to Compare,” 699–706

  43. 43. Sandrart, for example, writes of seeing paintings in the residences of Pieter Spiering Silvercroon and Franciscus de le Boe Sylvius, both well-known collectors of Dou’s work, while Balthasar de Monconys records his visits to Johan de Bye, Dou’s Maecenas, in Leiden, as well as private collections in Rotterdam in 1663. See Sandrart, Academie, 195–96; Balthasar de Monconys, Journal des voyages de Monsieur de Monconys . . . , vol. 2 (Lyon: H. Boissart & G. Remevs, 1665–66), 131ff.

  44. 44. On the theory and practice of connoisseurship in early modern Europe, see Anna Tummers, The Eye of the Connoisseur: Authenticating Paintings by Rembrandt and His Contemporaries (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2011); Carol Gibson-Wood, “Studies in the Theory of Connoisseurship from Vasari to Morelli” (PhD diss., University of London, 1982). C. Willemijn Fock states that wealthy citizens in Leiden evidently opened their collections to artists and other interested visitors. See C. Willemijn Fock, “Kunstbezit in Leiden in de 17de eeuw,” in Het Rapenburg. Geschiedenis van een Leidse gracht, vol. 5a, ed. T. H. Lunsingh Scheurleer, C. Willemijm Fock, and A. J. van Dissel (Leiden: Rijksuniversiteit Leiden, 1990), 3.

  45. 45. Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction:A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), 6; Ho, “Invitation to Compare,” 703–4.

  46. 46. On the significance of Pepys’s access to the king’s cabinet, see Pepys, Diary, 1:257–58; Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions,” 55.

  47. 47. Wheelock, “Illusionism,” 79–81.

  48. 48. The publication of Ernst Gombrich’s Art and Illusion drew attention to the production and reception of naturalistic pictorial representation. Various art historians and theorists have since critiqued Gombrich’s assumptions and method and considered the full implications of his seminal study. Although a thorough examination of the literature on this topic is outside the scope of this paper, my analysis draws on ideas from Gombrich’s book and the debate it sparked. Two of Gombrich’s arguments are particularly relevant to this paper: first, even illusionistic images are grounded in artistic conventions; and second, the context of reception is crucial to creating what he calls “conditions of illusion.” In the case of trompe l’oeil easel paintings, “illusion could turn into deception only when the context of action set up an expectation which reinforced the artist’s handiwork.” See Ernst H. Gombrich, Art and Illusion: A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation, repr. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), especially 203–41.

  49. 49. Brusati, Artifice and Illusion, 201–2.

  50. 50. Pepys, Diary, 4:18, 26; 5:161. See also Brusati, Artifice and Illusion, 93.

  51. 51. Eric Jan Sluijter, “‘All striving to adorne their houses with costly peeces’: Two Case Studies of Paintings in Wealthy Interiors,” in Art and Home: Dutch Interiors in the Age of Rembrandt, ed. Mariët Westermann (Zwolle: Waanders, 2001), 107–8.

  52. 52. Wheelock likens the doors over the painting to the peephole in a perspective box. See Wheelock, “Illusionism,” 80.

  53. 53. Baudrillard, “Trompe l’Oeil,” 53. Likewise, Brusati writes that the pictures are presented as deceptive paintings through “the ritualized display of predictable objects.” See Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions,” 56.

  54. 54. For discussion of ritual-like activities, see CatherineBell, Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 138–69.

  55. 55. Bell, Ritual, 139–44, 159–69; Ronald L. Grimes, Beginnings in Ritual Studies (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1982), 53–68. I am drawing on the expanded definition of ritual offered by Bell and Grimes to describe the formal, choreographed nature of interactions within an early modern collection.

  56. 56. Gell defines “patient” as “the object which is causally affected by the agent’s action.” For example, a painting is a patient to the artist who made it, but it can be an agent (or more precisely, a secondary agent) when it elicits responses from the viewers, who in turn occupy the role of patients. See Alfred Gell, Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 21–23.

  57. 57. Nor was Dou the only Dutch painter to construct counterfeit paintings from his signature product. Gerard Houckgeest—who specialized in picturing church interiors and was known for his mastery of linear perspective—adds a fictive frame and curtain to his Interior of the Oude Kerk in Delft (ca. 1651; fig. 5). For Houckgeest and his career in Delft, see Arthur K. Wheelock, Jr., Perspective, Optics, and Delft Artists Around 1650 (New York and London: Garland, 1977), 229–60; Walter Liedtke, Architectural Painting in Delft (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1982), 34–56; Walter Liedtke, A View of Delft: Vermeer and His Contemporaries (Zwolle: Waanders, 2000), 81–92, 107–21.

  58. 58. Brusati, Artifice and Illusion, 162–68; Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions,” 52, 60–62Samuel van Hoogstraten includes the chain and medal awarded by Emperor Ferdinand III in several of his trompe l’oeil pieces, making those objects emblems of his success. The letters in Vaillant’s Wooden Board bear various names, including those of Johann Maurits of Nassau-Siegen and the De Neufville brothers, suggesting that the artist was connected to these renowned collectors.

  59. 59. Gell, Art and Agency, 6–7; Gell, “Technology of Enchantment,” 162. Gell insists on the distinction between visual material and text and argues that iconology treats art objects as passive representations of symbolic meanings. Art historians have been critical of Gell’s narrow definition of the method, and some have sought to introduce iconographic interpretation into a Gellian analysis. See, for example, Stewart, “Gell’s Idols,” 166–71 (see note 6 above); Michelle O’Malley, “Altarpieces and Agency: The Altarpiece of the Society of the Purification and Its ‘invisible skein of relations,’” Art History 28, no. 4 (2005): 417–41. As other commentators have pointed out, Gell does not rigidly follow his own recommendation to avoid issues of style and symbolic interpretations. See for example Matthew Rampley, “Art History and Cultural Difference: Alfred Gell’s Anthropology of Art,” Art History 28, no. 4 (2005): 539ff.
    http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8365.2005.00475.x
    http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8365.2005.00471.x

  60. 60. Filarete, Trattato di architettura, ed. Anna Maria Finoli and Liliana Grassi vol. 2 (Milan: Il Polifilo, 1972), 665; Ebert-Schifferer, “Trompe l’Oeil,” 20–21. See also Giorgio Vasari, Le vite de’ più eccellenti pittori, scultori e architettori: nelle redazioni del 1550 e 1568, ed. Rosanna Bettarini and Paola Barocchi vol. 2 (Florence: Sansoni, 1967), 121–22.

  61. 61. Pliny the Elder, Natural History 35.65. Van Mander, Angel, and Van Hoogstraten invoke Pliny’s story as a powerful classical precedent for the value ascribed to illusionistic painting. See Van Mander, Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters, fol. 265r-v; Angel, Lof der Schilder-konst, 12–13; Van Hoogstraten, Inleyding, 24-25.

  62. 62. Willem Martin, Gerard Dou, trans. Clara Bell (London: G. Bell and Sons, 1902), 60; Sluijter, “In Praise of the Art of Painting,” 209.

  63. 63. David Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 108.

  64. 64. Wolfgang Kemp, Rembrandt. Die Heilige Familie mit dem Vorhang (Kassel: Staatliche Museen, 2003), 26–29. Compare Baer, “Life and Art,” 41.

  65. 65. Kemp, Rembrandt, 30. See also Emmanuelle Hénin, “Parrhasios and the Stage Curtain: Theatre, Metapainting and the Idea of Representation in the Seventeenth Century,” Art History 33 (2010): 249–61.
    http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8365.2010.00741.x

  66. 66. Kemp, Rembrandt, 30; Stoichita, Self-Aware Image, 60, 290n52.

  67. 67. See for example Giulio Mancini, Considerazioni sulla pittura, ed. Adriana Marruchi (Rome: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1956), 1:142–43. For discussion of the display of licentious pictures, see Stoichita, Self-Aware Image, 61.

  68. 68. Wolfgang Kemp, “The Work of Art and Its Beholder: The Methodology of the Aesthetic of Reception,” in The Subjects of Art History: Historical Objects in Contemporary Perspectives, ed. Mark A. Cheetham Michael Ann Holly, and Keith Moxey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 191–94; Stoichita, Self-Aware Image, 55.

  69. 69. Sluijter, “In Praise of the Art of Painting,” 192.

  70. 70. Brusati, “Honorable Deceptions,” 54–56; Wheelock, “Illusionism,” 80.

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Review: Peer Review (Double Blind)
DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2015.7.1.1
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Recommended Citation:
Angela Ho, "Gerrit Dou’s Enchanting Trompe- l’Oeil : Virtuosity and Agency in Early Modern Collections," Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art 7:1 (Winter 2015) DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2015.7.1.1

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